The New Nordic Diet is a new food culture developed in 2009-13 with key emphasis on gastronomy, health, and environment. Major research in its effect on acceptability, behaviour and learning skills, and disease prevention have been conducted by the OPUS centre at the University of Copenhagen and the people behind the award-winning restaurant Noma in Copenhagen. This course will give the participants the opportunity to experience a healthy and palatable new food and eating concept diet “The New Nordic Diet” and an understanding of how food and diets can affect mental and physical health and ensure the foundation for a healthier life style for future generations with a regional based diet and food culture. In Denmark “the Nordic cuisine”, has expanded from food eaten at the award-winning Copenhagen restaurant Noma to home-made dishes of local ingredients of whole-grain rye bread, root vegetables, berries, fresh fish and seaweed. This course is also part of the EIT Health Programme
5.2: Social Aspects of Acceptance, by Aruun Michelsen
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The New Nordic Diet - from Gastronomy to Health
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The OPUS Supermarket Intervention
In this module, we'll be looking at the effect of New Nordic Diet on adults. We will study the effect of eating the New Nordic Diet (NND) and an Average Danish Diet (ADD), respectively, in terms of body weight, body composition (fat) and risk factors for cardiovascular diseases and type 2-diabetes. You will learn about problems, barriers and benefits associated with two types of diet, focusing in particular on shopping, cooking and eating, meal structure and diet composition. Moreover, drop-out rate and the subject’s compliance with the principles behind the diet are discussed.
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Dr Arne Astrup, MD, DMSc.Professor, Head of Department
Department of Nutrition, Exercise and Sports
[MUSIC]
Hi!
And welcome to the lecture about the acceptance of the
New Nordic Diet, seen from the perspective of sociology of food.
My name is Arun Micheelsen and I'm
a postdoc researcher from the OPUS Research Center.
Today, we are going to explore the sociological aspects of
accepting a new diet such as the new Nordic diet.
As you may know by now, OPUS has an
ambitious mission, which is to create a new healthy
Nordic food culture in Denmark.
To do this, OPUS is developing, testing and
disseminating a new Nordic diet to the general public.
Even more, OPUS has sought to develop a
new Nordic diet, which is both healthy, sustainable, as
well as acceptable among those segments of the
population who suffer most from nutritional related lifestyle diseases.
As such, the new Nordic diet
represents an excellent case for exploring
sociological factors relevant for dietary acceptance.
However, before we can inquire into these things, I need
to briefly introduce some central notions from sociology of food, and
such touch upon the design of the new Nordic diet,
as well as the intervention study in which it was tested.
Now, in accordance with the aim of OPUS,
to develop a acceptable diet. A team of sociologists explored whether or
not intervention participants found a new Nordic diet to be an acceptable diet.
The objective was, to measure the acceptance of the new
Nordic diet among intervention participants
compared to the average Danish diet.
But what do we mean by Food Acceptance? If you survey
the literature, you'll find that Food Acceptance is the most
often conceptualized as an eaters evaluation of eating of food.
And these instances fruits, hitonic qualities are
often emphasized as primary dimensions to measure acceptance.
That is the pleasure of eating a food.
However, sociological studies of Food Acceptance
has also adopted a broader definition
by including evaluations of the practical task of procuring and preparing food.
As well as social rules and cultural norms related to meals and food consumption.
In other words, sociology is also interested in how eaters experience their
diet in an average daily context in relation to their existing eating habits.
So, in the study I'm going to present to
you, that Food Acceptance is measured by having
participants evaluating the new Nordic diet in relation
to eating it, as well as how it performs within the context of everyday diet life.
So measure participant's acceptance of their diet.
All participants were given a questionnaire before
and at the end of the intervention.
197 participants returned
the questionnaire. And 147 returned the second questionnaire.
This is due to participants dropping out of the intervention.
The first questionnaire investigated the participant's everyday
attitudes to buying organic, healthy and seasonal food.
Participants were asked to state their
agreement with different questions about the subject
such as, to what extent are you concerned about that the food you buy
is organic?
Questions about their food preferences were also posed, such as, I
feel something is missing if I eat a hot meal without vegetables.
And finally, in order to explore different aspects of
participants' food habits, participants were asked to choose which statement
they agreed with among a set of binary statements such
as, I often prepare new dishes at home as opposed
to, I stick to the dishes I know. These questions helped us to identify
participants' attitudes, preferences and habits in relation to food.
Which in turn may influence whether or
not participants would accept the new Nordic diet.
Now the second questionnaire what administered at the end of the
intervention and explored participant's experiences
of living with the intervention diet.
And this second questionnaire, participants were invited
to evaluate their intervention diet on five dimensions.
Preparation of the diet, covering practical
aspects of cooking the intervention diet.
Consumption of the diet, which include the hedonic qualities of the diet.
Everyday life and the diet, depicting how
adhering to the diet worked in everyday life.
Well being and the diet, covering how the diet
influenced bodily well being.
And finally, continuation with the diet after the intervention which concerns
participants' expectations about continuing adhering
to that diet after the intervention.
Each dimension included simple questions about participants'
diet to which they stated their agreement.
Such as my diet is tasty, or it will be
too expensive to stay on my diet after the intervention.
In order to measure participants' acceptance,
we wanted to develop one dietary
acceptance index for both diets based on participants' evaluation of their diet.
To identify such an index, principal component analysis was performed
on the questions related to the five dimensions just mentioned.
In this process, however, two strong factors emerged.
These were interpreted
as a practical acceptance index depicting
the diets practical implications in everyday life.
And an eating acceptance index, representing
the eating qualities of the diet.
In other words, we found that food acceptance
could best be understood by focusing on the
food's eating qualities as well as how it
performed on a practical level in everyday life.
So,
let's have a look at how participants' acceptance of their diet measured in
terms of the diet's eating qualities
and practical implicli, implications in everyday life.
Here, we see a scatter plot of the two indexes and how participants
evaluated their diets in terms of
their diet's eating acceptance and practical acceptance.
The new Nordic diet is seen to have a high Eating acceptance and a low
Practical acceptance.
Whereas the Average Danish Diet has a
high Practical acceptance but a low eating acceptance.
In other words, the new Nordic diet is indeed found to be
a tasty and healthy diet compared to the average Dan, Danish Diet.
However, compared to the average Danish diet, it is clear to see
that the participants found the new Nordic diet is not easily adopted
on a practical level.
Now, by comparing participants' eating and practical
acceptance of the new Nordic diet with their
socio-economic background as well as their attitude, preferences
and habits in relation to food in general.
We were able to identify specific
characteristics among those with high acceptance
of the new Nordic diet as well as among those with low acceptance.
Specifically, we found that those who already had a strong preference
for organic food, seasonal food, as well as fish and vegetables, prior
to the intervention, and often tried out new dishes at home, reported
a higher level of acceptance of the new Nordic diet than others.
We also found that women and those with higher levels
of education reported a higher level of acceptance than others
in the new Nordic diet group. Education, however, was not significant.
In contrast, we saw that men and those with no preferences for seasonal food.
Fish as well as vegetables and who are less interested in trying out
new dishes at home, have a lower acceptance of the new Nordic diet.
Before we can conclude anything, we must consider the limitations
of our study, as well as try to compare our findings
with those from previous studies within the field of sociology of food.
This will help us to balance our findings in relation to the qual, quality
of our data, as well as the knowledge we already possess about this subject.
In terms of limitations, the study population included in this
study is not a representative sample of the Danish population.
Participants were self-recruited, had to be overweight and lived within
the capital area of Denmark.
Also, given the demanding nature of the control conditions
of the intervention, those included in the study may well
be interested in food and probably inclined to give
more positive evaluations of the new Nordic diet than others.
So, there is a question of whether the findings can be generalized, and
we should be aware of this limitation when we seek to formulate our conclusions.
On the other hand, our conclusions must
also be considered the results of previous studies.
Which address Dane's food preferences, their attitudes to buying foods, as
such as organic products, as well as their eating habits in general.
Here we learn that women and those with higher education
and income levels have eating habits that are healthier than others.
That women refrain from eating meat more often than men, and are more inclined to
eat vegetables, which are also assodia, associated
as more feminine food in contrast to meat.
That urbanization level is strongly correlated
with high frequency of organic consumption.
That is,
those who live in the city more often consume organic foods than others.
That consumers with higher frequency of organic consumption also
exhibit a preference for modern dishes and new food trends.
And that use of recipes, which is the basis for the dissemination of the
new Nordic diet, appears to be associated
with level of socio-economic status and income.
Studies also
show that recipes are reinterpreted in
relation to individual and household preferences.
In other words, those with higher income and level of
education are more likely to use new Nordic diet recipes,
but on the other hand, we should also assume that
consumers will not follow the recipes in a strict manner.
So, cultural factors associated with acceptance of the new Nordic
diet appear to be interest in cooking, eating habits
that embrace feminine taste, modern dishes and healthy foods.
As well as preferences for consuming organic and seasonal foods.
Social factors appear to be high level of urbanization
and gender, that is, women are more accepting than men.
High level of education and income also appear to be relevant factors.
Thus the new Nordic diet
appears to have a high level of
acceptance among those consumers known to have healthy
eating habits, and a low acceptance among
those known to have less healthy eating habits.
Also, this study suggests that adopting the new Nordic
diet may well be hindered by its low practical exceptions.
And those who adopt the new Nordic diet, may also change it in accordance
with individual preferences.
Now we should not conclude on the future of
the new Nordic diet, based on this study alone.
However, the study raises some interesting questions to be pursued in future studies.
Will consumers come to accept the new Nordic diet on a large enough
scale that it will have a positive impact on public health in Denmark?
Or is the practical acceptance
of the new Nordic diet just too low?
And also more fundamental questions may be raised.
How do we as researchers help to design a healthy and acceptable diet?
How can we improve upon the low practical
acceptance without giving up on the gastronomic criteria
of using only fresh foodstuffs, which prolongs the
preparation time of the new Nordic diet meals.
The study presented
here appears to suggest that we need additional insight about the food
habits and preferences among those who
suffer most from nutritional related lifestyle diseases.
Such insights may indeed be beneficial for
the future development of the new Nordic diet.
Thank you very much.
[NOISE]
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[INAUDIBLE]
[MUSIC]
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