ITW - EMMANUEL BELLANGER - PART3

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Searching for the Grand Paris

7 classificações

Sciences Po

Searching for the Grand Paris

7 classificações

What is the reasoning for the Grand Paris? What does the transformation of the relationship between Paris and its suburbs imply? “Searching for the Grand Paris” is an original MOOC featuring accounts from residents, association representatives, experts, and researchers. It also contains archival footage and documents, as well as a comparative analysis of Brussels, London, and other French cities. The MOOC combines historical and comparative approaches with a discussion of controversial topics. It also reflects upon the notion of scale and questions what is at stake in the implementation of the Grand Paris. It discusses the evolution of Paris and its region, as well as issues such as ethnic and social segregation, economic growth, safety, the environment, housing, transportation, city construction, education, and culture. “Searching for the Grand Paris” is not exclusively directed towards universities. It is free and for the general public. This dynamic, even lively, MOOC was made in collaboration with students from the University of Science Po (Paris Institute of Political Studies), along with many other contributors. TEACHER : Patrick Le Galès (politist and sociologist) PREREQUISITE There is no required prerequisite for this course. PLAN DU COURS Session 1: Metropolization and Economic Growth Session 2: Population and Migration Session 3: Housing and Construction Session 4: Transportation and Mobility Session 5: Law enforcement and Environment Session 6: Culture and Education EVALUATION This MOOC offers a final MCQ. PEDAGOGICAL TEAM Héloïse Thibault, Valentine Quinio, Judith Lienhard, Ninon Beillard, Juliette Guichardet, Odile Gaultier-Voituriez, Miyuki Tsuchiya, Maxime Crépel, Pôle Audiovisuel Sciences Po TERMS OF USE All rights reserved PARTNERS Mairie de Paris | Ecole urbaine de SciencesPo Paris | Grand Public

Na lição

Session 3: Housing and Construction

ITW EMMANUEL BELLANGER - PART110:16

ITW - EMMANUEL BELLANGER - PART211:23

ITW - EMMANUEL BELLANGER - PART36:34

ITW - DANIÈLE VOLDMAN - PART110:45

ITW - DANIÈLE VOLDMAN - PART25:40

PROPERTY HERITAGE - 19471:21

A NEW TYPE OF HOUSING IN THE HEIGHTS - 19662:19

HOUSING IN BOBIGNY - 19773:18

REHABILITATION OF 3000 MODERATE RENT HOUSES - 19892:18

ACCOMMODATION REPORT MERLIN - 19833:17

SOCIAL ACCOMMODATION REPORT ROCARD - 19891:57

PROTEST FOR DECENT HOUSING - 19941:20

LIMITATION OF RENT INCREASE - 19901:36

EVACUATION OF SQUATS - 19835:03

UNHEALTHY ACCOMODATIONS - PART1 - 20170:50

UNHEALTHY ACCOMODATIONS - PART2 - 20170:35

Conheça os instrutores

Patrick Le Galès

Centre d'études européennes

"Searching for the Grand Paris"

"How has the relationship between Paris and its suburbs evolved since the '60s?"

-The law from 10th July 1964

was a significant event in the history of the Paris-suburbs relationship

because, simply, it put an end to the Grand Paris experiment,

the Grand Paris invented in the early 20th century,

which had, evidently, demonstrated an amount of success,

as showed by the densification of public service networks

in this metropolitan area.

On 10th June 1964, for reasons which will become clear,

the Gaullist state decides to bring an end

to this political, urban, social, and economic experiment,

which is original and unique, at least in France.

Why?

Firstly, because Paul Delouvrier,

a senior official, a financial inspector,

who managed the Paris regional district in 1961,

which is what would later become Regional Council of Ile-de-France,

determined that in a region, the Parisian region,

there cannot be two great powers such as these.

The metropolitan power, that of the Grand Paris,

with its government, focused around the Seine general council,

also with its own administration

in the form of the Seine prefect, the Seine prefecture

and its technical and administrative services.

And a region, a region that did not yet exist,

which was only a district,

and that intended to impose itself on the whole area.

This reform of 1964 shows considerations

we could describe as being partisan considerations

and they were not only supported by administrative considerations.

Finally, there is a third consideration,

the fate in store, until now, for the outer suburbs.

The outer suburbs, meaning the Seine-et-Oise department.

The Seine-et-Oise comprised around 700 communes,

not quite, but near to 700 communes

and was the poorest area in this Parisian region.

It did not benefit from these policies of equalization and solidarity

which had, until now,

essentially served the interests of the inner suburbs,

those which formed, along with Paris, the Seine department.

So, this Seine-et-Oise area,

which was an isolated area,

an under-managed area,

an under-equipped area,

aspired, in a way, to be integrated into the metropolitan dynamic

and benefit from this.

And so, abolishing the Métropole du Grand Paris

was also supposed to serve the interests of these outer suburbs

which, until now, had been the poor cousin

of these systems of solidarity that I mentioned,

which had largely benefitted the capital city departments,

namely the Seine department.

It is important to remember,

with regard to this fundamental 1964 reform,

that this departmental reform,

which followed on from the creation of districts,

created a united front

of all the elected representatives from Grand Paris,

communists, socialists, radical socialists,

conservatives, including Gaullists,

from both the city and the suburbs,

in support of a clear refusal

of this reform, of these successive reforms,

because they believed in preserving the Grand Paris.

Except this campaign from the officials

is not listened to by central government.

We should also note that even the prefectural body,

and in particular the prefects of the Seine,

which was considered almost a state within a state,

as a ministry,

because of its power which was recognized universally...

Alongside this, we are reminded of Hausmann,

who was prominent within this institution.

Even this prefectural body was very cautious of the Grand Paris members.

At the same time, paradoxically,

the Gaullist state envisaged a government

for provincial urban areas,

in creating, some years later, in 1966, the urban communities.

For example, urban communities

in Strasbourg, Lyon, Lille, and Bordeaux.

They were created in a discretionary way,

but this came back to the idea

that the state could support local authorities.

But of course, this local authority was refused in Paris,

although, until then, it seemed that it had proved itself.

I would say that its refusal

was due to the geopolitics and ratio of power at the time.

The regime of the Fifth Republic

sought to reinforce regionalization,

meaning the district of Paris, the regional district of Paris,

to the detriment of the capital city and the suburbs,

the inner suburbs, which formed this Grand Paris

from the early 20th century onwards.

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